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Al Green’s Disgraceful Outburst: A Constitutionalist’s Take on Democrats’ Descent into Chaos

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Al Green

HOUSTON, TX — On Tuesday, March 4, 2025, the hallowed halls of Congress bore witness to a spectacle that would make the Founding Fathers recoil in disgust. Representative Al Green (D-TX), the long-serving voice of Texas’ 9th District south of Houston, turned President Donald Trump’s joint address into a personal soapbox, erupting in a tantrum that ended with his forcible removal from the chamber. Two days later, on Thursday, March 6, the House delivered a rare and deserved censure, with a 224-198 vote that saw ten Democrats break ranks to join Republicans in condemning Green’s antics. What followed was a screaming match on the House floor—a fitting capstone to the Democrats’ descent into petulant disorder.

Green’s outburst was no spontaneous act of passion. It was a calculated middle finger to decorum, tradition, and the very principles that undergird our constitutional republic. As President Trump spoke of his electoral mandate—a mandate secured by the American people in November 2024—Green leapt to his feet, brandishing his cane like a prop in some low-budget melodrama. “You have no mandate!” he bellowed, his voice cutting through the chamber as he railed against Trump’s supposed plans to “cut Medicaid.” House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA), a man tasked with maintaining order in an increasingly fractious body, issued stern warnings. Green ignored them. The Sergeant at Arms was summoned, and the 77-year-old congressman was escorted out to a chorus of Republican cheers—and, tellingly, Democratic silence.

This wasn’t Green’s first rodeo. The veteran lawmaker, who’s clung to his seat since 2005, has a history of grandstanding that stretches back to his early pushes to impeach Trump in 2017. A self-styled “civil rights advocate,” Green’s resume boasts arrests for protests outside embassies and a decade-long stint leading Houston’s NAACP chapter. But Tuesday’s stunt wasn’t noble dissent—it was a cheap shot at a president addressing a joint session, a moment meant to reflect the unity of our governing institutions. Instead, Green gave us a glimpse of the Democrats’ true face in 2025: unhinged, undisciplined, and utterly incapable of rising above their partisan bile.

The House’s censure vote on Thursday was a necessary rebuke, though it barely scratches the surface of what’s wrong with Green and his ilk. The resolution, spearheaded by Rep. Dan Newhouse (R-WA), passed with bipartisan support—a rarity in these polarized times. Two members voted “present,” one of them Green himself, who couldn’t even muster the dignity to stand by his own disruption. Speaker Johnson read the censure aloud as Green, surrounded by fellow Democrats, launched into a rendition of “We Shall Overcome”—a civil rights anthem cheapened by its use as a prop in this circus. What followed was pure chaos: a screaming match between Democrats and Republicans that turned the House floor into a scene more befitting a barroom brawl than the people’s chamber.

Let’s not mince words: Green’s behavior, and the Democrats’ tacit endorsement of it, is an affront to the Constitution itself. Article I vests Congress with the power to govern, not to grandstand. The House isn’t a stage for personal vendettas or theatrical protests—it’s a place where representatives are duty-bound to uphold order and reason, even in disagreement. Green’s refusal to heed Johnson’s calls to sit down wasn’t just a breach of decorum; it was a rejection of the very framework that keeps our republic from sliding into mob rule. And the Democrats’ response—singing hymns while the chamber dissolved into anarchy—only underscores their contempt for that framework.

The broader context makes this episode even more galling. Trump’s address came five months after a decisive electoral victory, one that handed Republicans the House, the Senate, and the popular vote—a trifecta not seen in decades. Democrats, still licking their wounds, had been urged by their leadership to show restraint during the speech. Green ignored that directive, as did others who walked out or heckled in quieter tones. Reps. Maxwell Frost (FL), Jasmine Crockett (TX), and a handful of others staged their own mini-rebellions, but Green’s was the loudest—and the most shameful. This wasn’t resistance; it was a tantrum from a party that’s lost its moorings.

Conservatives, of course, aren’t surprised. Green’s track record—impeachment crusades, cane-waving histrionics—reads like a playbook for the modern Left: when you can’t win at the ballot box, disrupt the process. But what’s truly abhorrent is how this behavior erodes the trust Americans place in their institutions. The House isn’t a sandbox for overgrown children; it’s a bulwark of liberty, a place where the people’s will is meant to be hashed out with grit and grace. Green and his Democratic cheerleaders forgot that—or, worse, they don’t care.

The censure itself is a slap on the wrist—a symbolic condemnation with no real teeth. But it’s a start. Ten Democrats crossing the aisle to support it signals that even some in their ranks are fed up with the clown show. For constitutionalists, though, the stakes are higher than party lines. We’re watching a slow-motion assault on the norms that keep our government functional. If Green’s outburst goes down as just another blip in the news cycle, we’re one step closer to a Congress where shouting matches replace debate, and the rule of law bows to the rule of the loudest.

Texas’ 9th District deserves better than Al Green. So does the nation. On March 4, he didn’t just embarrass himself—he embarrassed the republic. And on March 6, when the House rightly censured him, the Democrats’ screaming response proved they’re more interested in theater than governance. The Constitution demands more. We should, too.

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The Deep State’s Dirty Laundry: How the U.S. Government Became the World’s Most Corrupt Machine—and Why Trump Terrifies Them

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Trump Stomping on fictional CIA building

For decades, the United States has cloaked itself in the sanctimonious garb of “defender of democracy,” wagging its finger at tin-pot dictators and third-world kleptocrats while its own intelligence apparatus—the CIA, NSA, and their shadowy cousins—ran roughshod over sovereign nations like a geopolitical wrecking crew. The evidence isn’t buried in conspiracy forums; it’s strewn across the historical record, plain as day. In 1953, the CIA orchestrated the overthrow of Iran’s democratically elected Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh, installing the Shah to secure oil interests for Western elites. A year later, they toppled Guatemala’s Jacobo Árbenz over fears his land reforms threatened United Fruit Company’s profits—capitalism’s sacred cow. Fast forward to 2011: the NSA’s mass surveillance fingerprints were all over the Arab Spring, destabilizing regimes under the guise of “spreading freedom,” while CIA black sites waterboarded their way through the War on Terror. From Chile to Ukraine, the playbook’s the same—subvert, manipulate, install. Rinse, repeat.

This isn’t noble statecraft; it’s a global power grab dressed up as patriotism. And here’s the rub: what starts as foreign meddling doesn’t stay foreign. Power, as Lord Acton warned, corrupts—and absolute power? That’s the Deep State’s calling card. Somewhere along the line, the unelected bureaucrats in Langley and Fort Meade stopped seeing themselves as servants of the Constitution and started acting like its overlords. Elected leaders, meanwhile, caught the scent of the grift. Why settle for a congressional salary when you can funnel billions in taxpayer dollars to murky NGOs—nonprofits with no oversight, staffed by cronies, and flush with cash for “consulting” gigs? Just look at the Biden family’s Ukraine adventures or the Clintons’ foundation empire—public office became a ATM, and the PIN was plausible deniability.

Enter Donald J. Trump, the brash billionaire who crashed the party in 2016. To the Deep State and their political puppets, he wasn’t just an outsider—he was a five-alarm fire. Trump didn’t play by their rules. He didn’t genuflect to the intelligence community’s sacred cows or rubber-stamp the endless wars that keep the machine humming. Worse, he started asking questions—about NATO’s bloated budgets, about foreign aid slush funds, about why the U.S. was bankrolling half the planet while its own borders crumbled. For a system built on secrecy, self-enrichment, and global dominance, this was existential kryptonite.

The Deep State’s response was predictable: neutralize the threat. Politicians saw Trump as a buzzsaw to their money-laundering rackets—those sweet, untraceable streams of cash flowing through “humanitarian” NGOs and defense contracts. The intelligence brass saw him as a wrecking ball to their unaccountable fiefdoms, where they—not the President—call the shots. Exhibit A: the Russia collusion hoax. The CIA and FBI didn’t just spy on Trump’s campaign; they fabricated a narrative with forged dossiers and leaked it to a compliant press. Exhibit B: the 2020 election, where Big Tech—cozy as ever with NSA data pipelines—suppressed the Hunter Biden laptop story, a move that polling later showed could’ve swung the outcome. Exhibit C: January 6, where murky federal informants and a militarized Capitol response turned a protest into a cudgel to smear Trump and his supporters as domestic terrorists.

The media, of course, is the Deep State’s megaphone. CNN, MSNBC, and the New York Times didn’t just cheerlead the takedown; they were active players, laundering lies from anonymous “senior officials” into front-page gospel. When Trump railed against “fake news,” he wasn’t wrong—he was just late to the party. The press has been in bed with spooks since Operation Mockingbird, when the CIA infiltrated newsrooms to shape narratives. Today, it’s less infiltration than symbiosis: anchors and editors know their bread’s buttered by the same hands that pull the levers in D.C.

From a constitutional conservative lens, this is a betrayal of everything America’s supposed to stand for. The Founders didn’t bleed at Valley Forge so a cabal of unelected suits could run the show. They gave us checks and balances, not shadow governments. Trump, for all his bombast, threatens to drag that original vision back into the light—less global empire, more national sovereignty; less insider grift, more accountability. That’s why the Deep State and their political lapdogs want him gone. He’s not perfect, but he’s a middle finger to a system that’s spent decades picking our pockets and subverting our will.

Texas knows this fight better than most. We’ve seen D.C.’s overreach firsthand—whether it’s federal land grabs or ATF gun grabs. The Lone Star State’s a microcosm of what’s at stake: a people who’d rather govern themselves than bow to a corrupt leviathan 1,500 miles away. Trump’s their nightmare because he’s ours—a bull in the china shop of a government that’s forgotten who it answers to. The Deep State can’t stand that. And they’ll burn it all down before they let him win again.

The rot of the Deep State doesn’t just fester in the marble corridors of Washington—it’s seeped into the red dirt of Texas, where the battle lines between constitutional liberty and centralized corruption are drawn sharper than a Bowie knife. The Lone Star State, a bastion of self-reliance and skepticism toward federal overreach, has become a proving ground for the clash between Donald Trump’s outsider insurgency and a system desperate to cling to power. Here, the stakes aren’t theoretical—they’re as real as the oil rigs dotting the Permian Basin. And the Deep State, alongside its Democratic allies in Congress, is pulling every lever to stop Trump from dismantling their racket.

Back in D.C., the CIA and NSA’s history of global manipulation—toppling Mossadegh in Iran, Árbenz in Guatemala, and greasing the skids for chaos in the Middle East—set the stage for a domestic power grab that’s now in full bloom. Power corrupts, and the federal trough has turned elected officials into pigs with snouts buried deep. Take the Biden family’s Burisma dealings or the Clinton Foundation’s pay-to-play schemes—public funds siphoned through NGOs with less oversight than a West Texas honky-tonk on a Saturday night. The Deep State, convinced it’s the real government, doesn’t just tolerate this; it thrives on it. Trump’s pledge to drain the swamp threatens not just the politicians’ slush funds but the intelligence community’s untouchable dominance. That’s why they’ve weaponized the media—from CNN’s breathless Russia hoaxes to the New York Times’ stenography for anonymous спooks—to take him down.

Nowhere is this fight fiercer than in Texas, where the state’s 38 congressional seats make it a linchpin in the battle for the House. Top Democrats, sensing Trump’s momentum after his 2024 victory, are scrambling to erect roadblocks, and their Lone Star delegation is leading the charge. Here’s how they’re doing it:

  1. Rep. Al Green’s Impeachment Gambit: On February 5, 2025, Houston’s Rep. Al Green—a Democrat with a flair for the dramatic—filed articles of impeachment against Trump over a supposed plan to “take over Gaza.” Green called it “ethnic cleansing,” a charge as wild as a Longhorn stampede, given Trump’s actual focus on domestic priorities like border security. Reported by The Guardian, this move reeks of political theater, a stunt to tie Trump up in legal knots and rally the progressive base. Green’s history of failed impeachment bids against Trump—three during his first term—shows he’s less interested in winning than in gumming up the works.
  2. Rep. Lloyd Doggett’s Funding Freeze Fiasco: Austin’s Rep. Lloyd Doggett, a grizzled veteran of the House, has been pushing to freeze federal funding to Texas agencies that might align with Trump’s agenda. In late February, Doggett joined a coalition of House Democrats to block Department of Defense grants, citing Trump’s “militarization” of the border—an echo of 2019, when he and others filibustered Pentagon funds over the border wall, as noted by AP News. This isn’t about principle; it’s about starving Texas of resources to enforce immigration laws Trump champions, laws that resonate with voters from El Paso to Tyler.
  3. Rep. Joaquin Castro’s Media Blitz: San Antonio’s Rep. Joaquin Castro has taken to the airwaves, partnering with MSNBC and local outlets like the San Antonio Express-News to amplify claims of Trump’s “authoritarian” bent. In a February 14, 2025, NPR report, Castro backed a new House Democratic “rapid response task force” to counter Trump’s executive orders, framing them as an assault on democracy. His real game? Keeping the narrative alive that Trump’s a threat to Texas values, even as San Antonians chafe at federal overreach on everything from gun rights to energy policy.

These Texas Democrats aren’t lone wolves—they’re pack animals, coordinating with national figures like Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries. Schumer’s been vocal, telling The Guardian on February 9 that Democrats will “do everything in their power” to block Trump’s agenda, while Jeffries has leaned on the House’s slim GOP majority—now 217-215 after resignations—to stall Trump-backed bills. Add in lawsuits from the Democratic National Committee, filed in late February against Trump’s executive orders on election integrity (Politico), and you’ve got a full-court press to cripple his administration before it can hit stride.

For Texas, this isn’t just politics—it’s personal. The state’s economy, from oil to agriculture, thrives when Washington stays out of the way. Trump’s promise to slash regulations and secure the border aligns with that ethos, which is why he carried Texas by over 5 points in 2024. But the Deep State and its Democratic proxies see that as a threat to their globalist gravy train. They’d rather see Texas kneel than prosper—whether it’s Doggett choking off funds, Green grandstanding, or Castro playing media marionette.

The irony? Texas has seen this before. In 2021, state Democrats fled to D.C. to block a voting bill, only to watch it pass anyway (Al Jazeera). Now, their congressional kin are trying the same playbook against Trump, betting they can outlast him with procedural tricks and press conferences. But Texans don’t bend easy. From the Alamo to the present, we’ve fought bigger bullies than this—and won. Trump’s their champion because he’s ours: loud, unpolished, and unwilling to let a corrupt machine dictate terms. The Deep State can scheme all it wants, but in Texas, we still believe the people—not the spooks or the suits—call the shots.

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From Trump Derangement to Musk Derangement: The Left’s New Obsession

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When former President Donald Trump established the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), it was met with predictable hostility from the entrenched bureaucracy and their media allies. But with Elon Musk now leading the charge at DOGE, the Left’s irrational hatred has reached an entirely new level—Musk Derangement Syndrome (MDS) is in full swing.

Musk’s mission has been simple: investigate waste, fraud, and abuse across every department in the federal government. Starting with the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), his findings have sent shockwaves through Washington, exposing billions of taxpayer dollars funneled into dubious and outright absurd programs. The revelations have left Democrats and radical leftists scrambling to discredit the effort, accusing Musk of political bias and “authoritarianism.” But the numbers don’t lie.

USAID’s Unbelievable Spending Spree

The investigations into USAID, an agency that has long been criticized for operating as an unaccountable slush fund for globalist pet projects, have uncovered breathtaking levels of waste and corruption. Here are just a few examples:

  • $1.5 million to “advance diversity, equity, and inclusion in Serbia’s workplaces and business communities.”
  • $70,000 for production of a “DEI musical” in Ireland.
  • $2.5 million for electric vehicles for Vietnam.
  • $47,000 for a “transgender opera” in Colombia.
  • $32,000 for a “transgender comic book” in Peru.
  • $2 million for sex changes and “LGBT activism” in Guatemala.
  • $6 million to fund tourism in Egypt.
  • Hundreds of thousands of dollars for a non-profit linked to designated terrorist organizations—even AFTER an inspector general launched an investigation.
  • Millions to EcoHealth Alliance, the same organization tied to the Wuhan lab’s dangerous research.
  • Hundreds of thousands of meals that ended up in the hands of al Qaeda-affiliated fighters in Syria.
  • Funding for personalized contraceptives in developing countries, raising serious ethical and legal concerns.
  • Hundreds of millions funneled into “irrigation canals, farming equipment, and even fertilizer” that directly supported heroin production in Afghanistan, benefiting none other than the Taliban.

These are not minor accounting errors. These are deliberate, ideological funding choices that siphon American taxpayer dollars away from legitimate needs and into radical activism abroad. The Musk-led DOGE investigation has exposed what conservatives have long suspected: USAID is more concerned with leftist social engineering than it is with legitimate foreign aid.

The Left’s Meltdown Over Musk

Musk has never been a traditional conservative, but his embrace of free speech, transparency, and accountability has made him the prime target of the Left’s rage. They once lauded him as a genius entrepreneur when he was building Tesla and SpaceX, but the moment he began challenging their narratives—whether on government waste, censorship, or corporate ESG mandates—he became public enemy number one.

The Democrat-controlled Senate is already demanding hearings into Musk’s leadership of DOGE, accusing him of waging a “war on government” and “undermining democracy.” Progressive activists are calling for his resignation, and leftist media outlets are running hit pieces at an unprecedented pace. The same voices that screamed about Trump’s so-called authoritarianism are now hyperventilating over Musk merely exposing how their tax-and-spend schemes actually operate.

A Battle for Government Transparency

What we’re witnessing isn’t just political theater—it’s a desperate attempt by the Left to maintain control over the bloated, unaccountable bureaucracies that sustain their globalist agenda. USAID is only the beginning. Musk and his team at DOGE have already hinted that their next targets include the Department of Education (where billions are funneled into woke indoctrination programs) and the National Science Foundation (which funds dubious “social justice” research projects).

The Left’s unhinged response to Musk’s work proves just how deeply entrenched the corruption runs. If exposing billions of wasted tax dollars is seen as an existential threat, what does that say about the priorities of those in power?

The fight against government waste isn’t about partisanship—it’s about accountability. And if the Democrats and radical leftists think they can shout down the truth, they may have underestimated both Musk and the American people. The battle has just begun.

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Texas House Divided: Rep. Dustin Burrows Defies GOP Caucus, Seeks Democrat Support for Speaker Role

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Dustin Burrows

GOP Divide Over House Speakership Intensifies

In a dramatic turn of events within the Texas House of Representatives, a showdown over the next Speaker has laid bare deep divisions within the Republican Party. Rep. Dustin Burrows, a close ally of outgoing Speaker Dade Phelan, broke ranks with the GOP caucus after failing to secure the Republican nomination. In an unprecedented move, Burrows aligned himself with Democrats, undermining the party’s choice of Rep. David Cook and igniting outrage among grassroots conservatives.

The Battle for Speaker of the House

On Saturday, the Texas House Republican Caucus met to select its nominee for Speaker, a critical position that sets the legislative agenda and controls committee appointments. The race came down to two contenders: Rep. David Cook, a staunch reformer who had publicly pledged to appoint only Republicans as committee chairs, and Rep. Dustin Burrows, a last-minute entrant who offered no commitments to conservative reforms.

Cook emerged victorious after three rounds of voting, with the final tally standing at 48-14 after 26 members loyal to Burrows walked out. This defection sparked a firestorm, as Burrows and his allies immediately began courting Democratic support in a bid to form a coalition that could challenge Cook on the House floor in January.

A Betrayal of Party Principles

The actions of Burrows and the defectors have drawn sharp condemnation from Republican grassroots activists and party leaders. The Republican Party of Texas (RPT) has long advocated for reforms to ensure Republican control over legislative priorities in a state where Democrats have often wielded disproportionate influence. In 2022, 81% of Republican primary voters supported a resolution requiring that only Republicans serve as committee chairs. Cook’s candidacy embodied this grassroots demand for reform, while Burrows’ maneuvering represents a continuation of the status quo.

The RPT Executive Committee issued a strong resolution following the caucus meeting, calling for unity behind Cook and warning that any member voting against the caucus nominee or supporting a secret ballot for Speaker would face censure. Such a censure could prevent them from running for reelection as Republicans.

The Dustin Burrows Record

Burrows’ record has long been a source of contention among conservatives. As Chairman of the powerful Calendars Committee under Speaker Phelan, Burrows held significant sway over which bills reached the House floor. Critics argue that this power was wielded to suppress conservative priorities.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, Burrows championed legislation that expanded the ability of local governments and businesses to enforce mask and vaccine mandates, a move that alienated many Republican voters. He also played a key role in blocking a bill that would have protected minors from irreversible gender-transition procedures, though a similar measure passed in a subsequent session.

More recently, Burrows was one of 61 Republicans who joined Democrats in voting to impeach Attorney General Ken Paxton, an act that further fueled skepticism about his conservative credentials. Burrows’ low rankings on conservative scorecards—73rd out of 86 Republicans in the Rice University rankings and a failing 48% grade from Texans for Fiscal Responsibility—underscore his tenuous relationship with the party’s grassroots base.

Grassroots Outrage and Calls to Action

The grassroots backlash to Burrows’ actions has been swift and fierce. Conservative activists argue that Burrows’ alliance with Democrats undermines the integrity of the Republican platform and disregards the will of GOP voters. They have mobilized to pressure representatives to support Cook on the House floor when the legislature convenes on January 14, 2025.

In an email to supporters, Rep. Andy Hopper detailed the events of the caucus meeting and urged constituents to hold their representatives accountable. Hopper emphasized that the caucus rules and the RPT platform explicitly require Republicans to unify behind the caucus nominee, particularly when that nominee is committed to advancing a conservative agenda.

A Pivotal Moment for Texas Republicans

The battle over the Speaker of the House has become a litmus test for the Republican Party’s commitment to conservative principles in Texas. Historically, Democrats have been granted significant influence in the state legislature, including committee chairmanships, despite their minority status. Cook’s victory in the caucus reflects a growing determination among Republicans to end this practice and ensure that legislative leadership reflects the will of the majority.

However, Burrows’ defection threatens to derail these efforts. By seeking Democratic support, he risks fracturing the party and empowering the opposition. The stakes are high: if Burrows and his coalition succeed, it could signal a return to the bipartisan power-sharing arrangements that have long frustrated conservatives.

Conclusion

The January 14 session will be a defining moment for the Texas House of Representatives and the Republican Party. Will Republicans rally behind their caucus nominee and seize the opportunity to implement meaningful reforms, or will divisions within the party allow Democrats to dictate the agenda once again?

As grassroots conservatives mobilize to demand accountability, all eyes will be on the Capitol. For Rep. Burrows and his supporters, the path forward may come with significant political consequences. For the Republican Party, this is a battle for its soul.

Here is the complete list of key representatives in the Texas House Speaker race, categorized by their positions on reform:

(List provided by Grassroots America. https://grassrootspriorities.com/phelan.php)

Daniel Alders
State Representative for Texas House District 6
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @DanielAldersTX
X: @danielalderstx
Trent Ashby
State Representative for Texas House District 9
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0508
Email: trent.ashby@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @RepTrentAshby
X: @TrentAshbyTX
Jeffrey Barry
State Representative for Texas House District 29
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @votejeffbarry
X: @JeffBarryforTX
Cecil Bell
State Representative for Texas House District 3
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0650
Email: Cecil.Bell@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @CecilBellJunior
X: @CBellJr
Keith Bell
State Representative for Texas House District 4
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0458
Email: keith.bell@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @StateRepKeithBell
Greg Bonnen
State Representative for Texas House District 24
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0729
Email: greg.bonnen@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @DrGregBonnen
X: @DrGregBonnen
Brad Buckley
State Representative for Texas House District 54
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0684
Email: brad.buckley@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @bradbuckleyfortexas
X: @BradBuckleyDVM
Ben Bumgarner
State Representative for Texas House District 63
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0688
Email: ben.bumgarner@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @BenBumgarnerforTexasRepHD63
X: @Bumgarner4HD63
Dustin Burrows
State Representative for Texas House District 83
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0542
Email: dustin.burrows@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @Burrows4TX
X: @Burrows4TX
Angie Button
State Representative for Texas House District 112
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0486
Email: angie.button@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @ACBforTexas
X: @AngieChenButton
Briscoe Cain
State Representative for Texas House District 128
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0733
Email: briscoe.cain@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @BriscoeCain
X: @BriscoeCain
Gio Capriglione
State Representative for Texas House District 98
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0690
Email: giovanni.capriglione@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @VoteGiovanni
X: @VoteGiovanni
David Cook
State Representative for Texas House District 96
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0374
Email: david.cook@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @davidcookfortexas
X: @DavidCookTexas
Tom Craddick
State Representative for Texas House District 82
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0500
Email: tom.craddick@house.texas.gov
Charles Cunningham
State Representative for Texas House District 127
Unconfirmed
Phone: 512-463-0520
Email: charles.cunningham@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @CharlesCunninghamTX
X: @CharlesTX127
Pat Curry
State Representative for Texas House District 56
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @people/Pat-Curry-Republican-for-Texas-House/61551098733770/
Drew Darby
State Representative for Texas House District 72
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0331
Email: drew.darby@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @DrewDarbyforTexas
X: @DrewDarbyTX
Jay Dean
State Representative for Texas House District 7
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0750
Email: jay.dean@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @jaydeanfortexas
Mano DeAyala
State Representative for Texas House District 133
Unconfirmed
Phone: 512-463-0514
Email: mano.deayala@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @manoforstaterep
X: @ManoForStateRep
Mark Dorazio
State Representative for Texas House District 122
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0646
Email: mark.dorazio@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @DorazioforTexas
X: @DorazioforTexas
Paul Dyson
State Representative for Texas House District 14
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @PaulDysonTX
X: @PaulDysonTX
Caroline Fairly
State Representative for Texas House District 87
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @fairlyfortexas
X: @FairlyForTexas
James Frank
State Representative for Texas House District 69
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0534
Email: james.frank@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @repjamesfrank
X: @RepJamesFrank
Gary Gates
State Representative for Texas House District 28
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0657
Email: gary.gates@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @gatesfortexas
X: @GatesforTexas
Stan Gerdes
State Representative for Texas House District 17
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0682
Email: stan.gerdes@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @stangerdesfortexashouse
X: @StanGerdesforTX
Charlie Geren
State Representative for Texas House District 99
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0610
Email: charlie.geren@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @repcharliegeren
X: @charliegeren
Ryan Guillen
State Representative for Texas House District 31
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0416
Email: ryan.guillen@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @representative.guillen
X: @RyanGuillen
Sam Harless
State Representative for Texas House District 126
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0496
Email: sam.harless@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @samharless126
X: @SamHarless126
Cody Harris
State Representative for Texas House District 8
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0730
Email: cody.harris@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @CodyforTexas
X: @CodyforTexas
Caroline Harris Davila
State Representative for Texas House District 52
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0670
Email: caroline.harris@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @CarolineHarrisForTexas
X: @CarolineForTX
Brian Harrison
State Representative for Texas House District 10
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0516
Email: brian.harrison@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @votebrianharrison
X: @brianeharrison
Richard Hayes
State Representative for Texas House District 57
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0556
Email: richard.hayes@house.texas.gov
Cole Hefner
State Representative for Texas House District 5
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0271
Email: cole.hefner@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @votecolehefner
X: @ColeHefnerTX
Hillary Hickland
State Representative for Texas House District 55
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @Hickland4TX
X: @HicklandHillary
Janis Holt
State Representative for Texas House District 18
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @Holt4Texas
X: @JanisHolt59
Andy Hopper
State Representative for Texas House District 64
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @hopperfortexas
X: @AndyHopperTX
Lacey Hull
State Representative for Texas House District 138
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0727
Email: lacey.hull@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @LaceyHullForTexas
X: @LaceyHullTX
Todd Hunter
State Representative for Texas House District 32
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0672
Email: todd.hunter@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @todd.hunter.710
X: @Dist32StateRep
Carrie Isaac
State Representative for Texas House District 73
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0325
Email: carrie.isaac@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @CarrieIsaacForTexas
X: @CarrieIsaac
Helen Kerwin
State Representative for Texas House District 58
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @helenkerwin4tx
X: @HelenKerwin4TX
Ken King
State Representative for Texas House District 88
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0736
Email: ken.king@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @KingForTexas
X: @KingForTexas
Stan Kitzman
State Representative for Texas House District 85
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0604
Email: stan.kitzman@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @StanKitzmanTX
X: @StanKitzmanTX
Marc LaHood
State Representative for Texas House District 121
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @MarcLaHoodCampaign
X: @LaHood4Texas
Stan Lambert
State Representative for Texas House District 71
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0718
Email: stan.lambert@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @RepStanLambert
X: @RepStanLambert
Brooks Landgraf
State Representative for Texas House District 81
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0546
Email: brooks.landgraf@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @BrooksLandgraf
X: @BrooksLandgraf
Jeff Leach
State Representative for Texas House District 67
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0544
Email: jeff.leach@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @leachfortexas
X: @leachfortexas
Mitch Little
State Representative for Texas House District 65
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @people/Mitch-Little-State-Rep-ELECT-HD-65/61552635488586/
X: @realmitchlittle
Janie Lopez
State Representative for Texas House District 37
Unconfirmed
Phone: 512-463-0640
Email: janie.lopez@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @JanieLopezForTexas
X: @JanieLopezForTX
AJ Louderback
State Representative for Texas House District 30
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @aj.louderback.1
X: @LouderbackAj
David Lowe
State Representative for Texas House District 91
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @DavidLowe4TX
X: @DavidLowe4Texas
J. M. Lozano
State Representative for Texas House District 43
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0463
Email: jm.lozano@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @RepJMLozano
X: @RepJMLozano
John Lujan
State Representative for Texas House District 118
Unconfirmed
Phone: 512-463-0714
Email: john.lujan@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @VoteLujan
X: @LujanForTX
Shelley Luther
State Representative for Texas House District 62
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @shelleylutherHD62
X: @ShelleyLuther
Don McLaughlin
State Representative for Texas House District 80
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @donfortexas
X: @donfortexas
John McQueeney
State Representative for Texas House District 97
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Facebook: @McQueeneyForTX
X: @JohnMcQueeneyTX
Will Metcalf
State Representative for Texas House District 16
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0726
Email: will.metcalf@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @WillMetcalfTX
X: @willmetcalfTX
Morgan Meyer
State Representative for Texas House District 108
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0367
Email: morgan.meyer@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @MorganMeyerForTexas
X: @MorganMeyerTX
Brent Money
State Representative for Texas House District 2
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @brentmoneytx
X: @BrentMoneyTX
Matt Morgan
State Representative for Texas House District 26
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @morganfortexas
X: @morgan4texas
Candy Noble
State Representative for Texas House District 89
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0186
Email: candy.noble@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @CandyNobleHD89
X: @CandyNobleHD89
Michael Olcott
State Representative for Texas House District 60
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @votemikeolcott
X: @olcott4texas
Tom Oliverson
State Representative for Texas House District 130
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0661
Email: tom.oliverson@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @TomOliverson
X: @TomOliverson
Angelia Orr
State Representative for Texas House District 13
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0600
Email: angelia.orr@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @AngeliaOrrForTX
X: @AngeliaOrrForTX
Jared Patterson
State Representative for Texas House District 106
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0694
Email: jared.patterson@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @jpattersontx
X: @JaredLPatterson
Dennis Paul
State Representative for Texas House District 129
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0734
Email: dennis.paul@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @Dennis.Paul.HD129
X: @DennisPaul129
Dade Phelan
State Representative for Texas House District 21
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-1000
Email: dade.phelan@speaker.texas.gov
Facebook: @TexansForDade
X: @DadePhelan
Katrina Pierson
State Representative for Texas House District 33
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @KatrinaForTexas
X: @katrinapierson
Keresa Richardson
State Representative for Texas House District 61
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @keresafortexas
X: @KeresaForTexas
Nate Schatzline
State Representative for Texas House District 93
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0562
Email: nate.schatzline@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @NateforTexas
X: @NateSchatzline
Mike Schofield
State Representative for Texas House District 132
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0528
Email: mike.schofield@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @SchofieldForTexas
X: @RepSchofield
Alan Schoolcraft
State Representative for Texas House District 44
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @SchoolcraftforTX
X: @Schoolcraft4TX
Matt Shaheen
State Representative for Texas House District 66
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0594
Email: matt.shaheen@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @MattShaheenTexas
X: @MattShaheen
Joanne Shofner
State Representative for Texas House District 11
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @joannefortexans
X: @joannefortexans
Shelby Slawson
State Representative for Texas House District 59
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0628
Email: shelby.slawson@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @SlawsonForTexas
X: @ShelbySlawson
John Smithee
State Representative for Texas House District 86
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0702
Email: john.smithee@house.texas.gov
David Spiller
State Representative for Texas House District 68
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0526
Email: david.spiller@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @RepresentativeDavidSpiller
X: @DavidSpillerTX
Valoree Swanson
State Representative for Texas House District 150
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0572
Email: valoree.swanson@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @ValoreeSwansonforTexas
X: @ValoreeforTexas
Carl Tepper
State Representative for Texas House District 84
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0676
Email: carl.tepper@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @CarlTepperForTexas
X: @CarlTepper
Tony Tinderholt
State Representative for Texas House District 94
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0624
Email: tony.tinderholt@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @tonytinderholtfortexas
X: @reptinderholt
Steve Toth
State Representative for Texas House District 15
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0797
Email: steve.toth@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @RepresentativeSteveToth
X: @Toth_4_Texas
Ellen Troxclair
State Representative for Texas House District 19
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0490
Email: ellen.troxclair@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @EllenTroxclair
X: @EllenTroxclair
Gary VanDeaver
State Representative for Texas House District 1
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0692
Email: gary.vandeaver@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @GaryVanDeaverHD1
X: @GaryVanDeaver
Cody Vasut
State Representative for Texas House District 25
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0564
Email: cody.vasut@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @votevasut
X: @cvasut
Denise Villalobos
State Representative for Texas House District 34
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Facebook: @denise.etheridge.58
X: @DVillalobos20
Wesley Virdell
State Representative for Texas House District 53
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @wesvirdellfortexas
X: @wesvirdelltx
Trey Wharton
State Representative for Texas House District 12
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Facebook: @profile.php?id=61553738502474
X: @WhartonForTexas
Terry Wilson
State Representative for Texas House District 20
Anti-Reform – Siding wih Democrats and Burrows
Phone: 512-463-0309
Email: terry.wilson@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @TerryWilsonPage
X: @TerryWilsonTX
Terri Leo Wilson
State Representative for Texas House District 23
Pro-Reform – Committed to Republican Cook for Speaker
Phone: 512-463-0502
Email: terri.leo-wilson@house.texas.gov
Facebook: @TerriLeoWilson
X: @TerriLeoWilson
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